Monday, 28 April 2014

Rahul slams Modi’s use of harsh words

Courtesy...PTI & THE HINDU
 

Amid the bitter war of words between the Congress and BJP, Rahul Gandhi on Monday accused Narendra Modi of being discourteous to his opponents, adopting double standards on corruption and favouring select industrialists.
Rahul said that the BJP prime ministerial candidate seeks to give an impression that development of Gujarat was his “personal” achievement and seems oblivious to the efforts of millions of people, including women who made the Amul brand a success.
“You listen to his speech (Mr. Modi), You listen to mine. You (Punjab) gave us a Prime Minister. You see his (PM) speeches during the last 10 years, Sonia’s (Gandhi) speeches, Congress leaders speeches, all talk with love and respect.
“Even if we talk about them (opponent), we talk with love and respect. We never use harsh words and angry tone. But wherever they (opponents) go, they cannot speak any good, nor they can do any good for others,” he said addressing a rally in favour of Congress candidate Manpreet Singh Badal.
Manpreet, estranged nephew of Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal, is locked in a battle against his sister-in-law and sitting SAD MP Harsimrat Kaur Badal. Manpreet, who is heading Peoples’ Party of Punjab, is contesting the elections on the Congress symbol with CPI backing.
Keeping Mr. Modi at the centre of his attack, Rahul the BJP tries to portray as if nothing was happening in Gujarat for the last 60 years.
“Gujaratis built it (the state). Women of Gujarat gave Amul brand....Gujaratis and Punjabis are known for their hardwork...But (according to opponents) you did nothing. For the last 60 years, people of India did nothing,” Rahul said.
“Now Mr. Modi is coming and he says he will do everything, he has built Gujarat and now he says he will build country. He (Modi) boasts before thousands of people that I built Gujarat. He does not feel the need to ask anybody as if he has all the knowledge,” he said.
Hitting out at BJP, Rahul said they gave India shining slogan in 2004 without realising that a large section of people including farmers, labourers and other weaker sections were not benefited.
“Just two-three industrialists were benefited (under NDA regime) which they called India Shining. Big government-owned companies worth thousands of crore were gifted. Balco, a government-owned company was given to a friend of late Union Minister and BJP leader Pramod Mahajan,” Rahul alleged.
Several other government companies were also given away, he alleged.
Accusing Mr. Modi of doling out favours to select corporates, Rahul alleged that he handed over 45,000 ares of land to Adani group at a rate of Rs 1 per meter.
“45,000 acres of land was given to one businessman whereas the farmers whose land was acquired are now working under NREGA scheme. This kind of toffee is being sold to you (farmers),” he alleged.
Tearing apart Mr. Modi’s much-touted Gujarat model, he said financial benefit to the tune of Rs 26,000 crore as power waiver was given to an industrialist. A total benefit of Rs 35,000 crore was handed over to Adani, he alleged.
Referring to the financial benefit given to Mr. Adani, he said, “Take this, and enjoy.”
He also accused Mr. Modi of giving away Rs 10,000 crore of loan to Tata at a rate of 0.1 per cent for 25 years and said in contrast, the total budget allocation for education and health was just Rs 8,000 crore in Gujarat.
“There is one Nano company to whom they gave Rs. 10,000 crore of loan at a rate of 0.1 per cent for 25 years. It is Tata whereas farmers are getting loan at rate between 12 and 14 per cent,” he alleged.
However, he praised Tata for “doing good work.”
“I don’t say that you do not help them or other industrialists. I am saying why you are helping only one company,” he said.
Rahul said the Centre allocated Rs 30,000 crore per annum udner UPA’s flagship NREGA scheme. However, an amount equivalent to this scheme was doled out to Adani, he charged.
“Their only agenda is to see that only a limited number of people in this country should prosper whereas Congress wants inclusive and all round progress in which poor man’s son runs business, farmer’s child flies planes and leads a happy life”, he said.
“We want such a country where everyone dreams big and not only five or ten people including Adani,” he said.
 
 
 

Arun Jaitley lashes out at Priyanka Gandhi, says she lowered political discourse

   Courtesy... indianexpress                                                       New Delhi | April 28, 2014 12:31 pm

                     
Arun Jaitley on Monday said she has "lowered the political discourse" with her language and the Vadra family needs to be "scared of the law." Arun Jaitley on Monday said she has "lowered the political discourse" with her language and the Vadra family needs to be "scared of the law."
Attacking Priyanka Gandhi for her remarks comparing the BJP leaders to “panic-stricken rats”, Arun Jaitley on Monday said she has “lowered the political discourse” with her language and the Vadra family needs to be “scared of the law”.
“She has compared the BJP to ‘panic-stricken rats’…Mrs Vadra has lowered the quality of political discourse by her comments…If any of my family members started referring to my opponents as rats and reptiles I surely will be a worried man,” the BJP leader wrote on his blog.
Priyanka had yesterday said that the BJP was “baffled and running around like rats. I knew that they will repeat their bunch of lies. There is nothing new in it but let them say whatever they want to. I am not afraid of anyone and will continue to speak against their negative, destructive and shameful politics.”
On her remarks that she was not afraid of anyone, Jaitley said, “The Vadras are right that they need not be scared of anyone. They should only be scared of the law. Be the Vadras be ever so high, the law is above them. Law spares none, be it the rich, the famous or the related.”
The war of words between the BJP leaders and Priyanka Gandhi started on Sunday when she referred to the opposition party as “panic-stricken rats” after it released a video showing alleged wrongdoings in land deals involving her husband Robert Vadra.
  
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Jaitley said the family members of candidates are entitled to help in elections when they are preoccupied with many engagements.
“The family fills up the vacuum either in the election office or in the campaign where the candidate cannot reach.
The family members are always instructed to be extra courteous and never be overbearing on political workers. They are advised not make any undignified references to political rivals,” he said.
Jaitley also flayed National Conference chief Farooq Abdullah’s statement that those voting for Narendra Modi should drown in the sea.
“This demonstrates Abdullah’s contempt for the majority opinion. Farooq Sahib believes and rightly so that India is secular and will not accept communal politics. Where is it that secularism in India has seen the single greatest failure?…
“The single greatest failure of secularism in India is within Farooq Sahib’s own state of Kashmir. If India has witnessed an ethnic cleansing by having one community of the State, namely, the Kashmiri Pandits ejected out of the State, it has only happened in Kashmir,” he said.
The BJP leader said he was glad that Abdullah says that Kashmir will not accept communal politics. “But will Kashmir offer the red carpet back for the resettlement of the Kashmiri Pandits,” he asked.
Jaitley said nobody needs to jump into continued…
 

People free to move court directly against false affidavits:EC

                                                                                             Courtesy...     DECCAN HERALD
 
New Delhi, Apr 28, 2014, PTI:

Flooded with complaints of alleged falsification of election affidavits, the Election Commission has said people were free to approach the courts directly against candidates for concealing information in nomination papers. Photo courtesy: Election Commission website, http://eci.nic.in/eci/eci.html
Flooded with complaints of alleged falsification of election affidavits, the Election Commission has said people were free to approach the courts directly against candidates for concealing information in nomination papers.
The EC said while earlier the aggrieved persons could approach the returning officer with a complaint against a candidate for concealing information or making a false declaration in the election affidavit, now it is open to people to move a petition before the appropriate court on the issue directly.
The EC circular issued to chief electoral officers of all the states last week comes in the wake of the poll panel being flooded with complaints against various candidates for making false disclosures in their affidavits.
In most of the complaints, the EC has been requested to either direct the returning officer to move court against the candidate or issue directions to concerned magistrates to take cognisance of false affidavits.
 
 

In June 2004, the EC had said that if complaints are filed before the returning officer on false affidavit, the official would approach the court for action against the candidate if prima facie the allegation was found to be true.
The rules relating affidavits were amended in August 2012 allowing any person to move court directly under section 125 A of the Representation of the People Act against a candidate for filing a false affidavit or concealing information.
The poll panel said after 2012 amendments, "there is no stipulation that complaints under that section (125A) have to be made by the public servant (returning officer)."
Earlier this month, Congress had approached the Election Commission over the issue of the marital status of Narendra Modi seeking action by the poll body against the BJP leader for allegedly "hiding" facts in election affidavits filed by him in the past.
Recently, BJP leader Subramanian Swamy had moved the Commission alleging that Congress candidate from Chandni Chowk and Law Minister Kapil Sibal had "wilfully" not disclosed details of companies owned by his wife in his election affidavit.
 

Secularism is in our veins, Narendra Modi in a reply to Farooq Abdullah


                                                                       Courtesy...  THE TIMES OF INDIA


AHMEDABAD/NEW DELHI: Narendra Modi on Monday hit back at Farooq Abdullah for his remark that those voting for the BJP prime ministerial candidate should drown in sea, saying the biggest blow to secularism in India was delivered in Kashmir from where Kashmiri Pandits were forced out due to their religion.

Using a video message released by the CM's office to lash out at Abdullah, Modi said the Union minister has no moral right to preach against communalism as policies of his father Sheikh Abdullah, him and his son and Jammu & Kashmir chief minister Omar Abdullah were responsible for communalizing the state politics.

"If somebody has to drown then you should look at your (Abdullah) face in mirror. Put your father's face in front of mirror and ask this question. Those who have chased Kashmiri Pandits out have no face to preach against communalism," he said in a hard-hitting statement.

Invoking India's age-old tradition of secularism and syncretism, the BJP's prime ministerial candidate, accused by critics of practicing Hindutva politics, said these high values are the best policies for India and it is his commitment to "take everybody along and develop all".

"I want to tell Farooq Abdullah that the thousands of years-old great tradition of secularism in India suffered its biggest and deepest blow in Kashmir. And this happened due to the politics of your father, due to your politics and due to you son's politics.

"Kashmir is the only place in this country where Pandits were evicted due to their religion. Kashmir was the land of sufi traditions... and it has been tarred with communal colour by you for selfish interests," Modi said.

Apparently referring to controversial statements, many by his aides, during the current campaign, he said Indian secularism is not so poor as to be affected adversely by some comments.

"Country is not going to deviate from its values of jai jagat (victory to world) and vasudaiv kutumbakam (world is a family)," he said.

Abdullah drew BJP's ire with his remarks on Sunday that those who vote for Modi should "drown" in the sea and also threatened that Kashmir will not remain with India if the country becomes communal.

In Delhi, BJP spokesperson Nirmala Sitharaman also attacked Abdullah for his comments.

"Very clearly, Dr Abdullah first answer as to why in J&K the constitutional amendment which was made in India during Emergency making India into a secular republic, is not acceptable to him there," Sitharaman said.

She asked him why the National Conference, of which he is president, has not worked to make that amendment into the J&K Constitution till today.

"If that is not done, I think he should refrain from talking about communalism. They have not even taken a step to take back the Kashmiri Pandits, who have been cleansed out of the valley, back into the valley," she said.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/lok-sabha-elections-2014/news/Secularism-is-in-our-veins-Narendra-Modi-in-a-reply-to-Farooq-Abdullah/articleshow/34327333.cms

INDIA

India officially the Republic of India (Bharat Ganrajya) is a country in South Asia. It is the seventh-largest country by area, the second-most populous country with over 1.2 billion people, and the most populous democracy in the world. Bounded by the Indian Ocean on the south, the Arabian Sea on the south-west, and the Bay of Bengal on the south-east, it shares land borders with Pakistan to the west; China, Nepal, and Bhutan to the north-east; and Burma and Bangladesh to the east. In the Indian Ocean, India is in the vicinity of Sri Lanka and the Maldives; in addition, India's Andaman and Nicobar Islands share a maritime border with Thailand and Indonesia.

Home to the ancient Indus Valley Civilisation and a region of historic trade routes and vast empires, the Indian subcontinent was identified with its commercial and cultural wealth for much of its long history. Four world religions—Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism—originated here, whereas Judaism, Zoroastrianism, Christianity, and Islam arrived in the 1st millennium CE and also helped shape the region's diverse culture. Gradually annexed by and brought under the administration of the British East India Company from the early 18th century and administered directly by the United Kingdom from the mid-19th century, India became an independent nation in 1947 after a struggle for independence that was marked by non-violent resistance led by Mahatma Gandhi.

The Indian economy is the world's eleventh-largest by nominal GDP and third-largest by purchasing power parity (PPP). Following market-based economic reforms in 1991, India became one of the fastest-growing major economies; it is considered a newly industrialised country. However, it continues to face the challenges of poverty, corruption, malnutrition, inadequate public healthcare, and terrorism. A nuclear weapons state and a regional power, it has the third-largest standing army in the world and ranks eighth in military expenditure among nations. India is a federal constitutional republic governed under a parliamentary system consisting of 28 states and 7 union territories. India is a pluralistic, multilingual, and a multi-ethnic society. It is also home to a diversity of wildlife in a variety of protected habitats.

Etymology

Names of India

The name India is derived from Indus, which originates from the Old Persian word Hinduš. The latter term stems from the Sanskrit word Sindhu, which was the historical local appellation for the Indus River. The ancient Greeks referred to the Indians as Indoi (Ινδοί), which translates as "the people of the Indus" The geographical term Bharat (pronounced   which is recognised by the Constitution of India as an official name for the country, is used by many Indian languages in its variations. The eponym of Bharat is Bharata, a theological figure that Hindu scriptures describe as a legendary emperor of ancient India. Hindustan ([ɦɪnd̪ʊˈst̪aːn]  was originally a Persian word that meant "Land of the Hindus"; prior to 1947, it referred to a region that encompassed northern India and Pakistan. It is occasionally used to solely denote India in its entirety.
Ancient India
Anatomically modern humans are thought to have arrived in South Asia 73-55,000 years back, though the earliest authenticated human remains date to only about 30,000 years ago. Nearly contemporaneous Mesolithic rock art sites have been found in many parts of the Indian subcontinent, including at the Bhimbetka rock shelters in Madhya Pradesh. Around 7000 BCE, the first known Neolithic settlements appeared on the subcontinent in Mehrgarh and other sites in western Pakistan. These gradually developed into the Indus Valley Civilisation, the first urban culture in South Asia; it flourished during 2500–1900 BCE in Pakistan and western India. Centred around cities such as Mohenjo-daro, Harappa, Dholavira, and Kalibangan, and relying on varied forms of subsistence, the civilisation engaged robustly in crafts production and wide-ranging trade.
During the period 2000–500 BCE, in terms of culture, many regions of the subcontinent transitioned from the Chalcolithic to the Iron Age. The Vedas, the oldest scriptures of Hinduism, were composed during this period, and historians have analysed these to posit a Vedic culture in the Punjab region and the upper Gangetic Plain. Most historians also consider this period to have encompassed several waves of Indo-Aryan migration into the subcontinent from the north-west. The caste system, which created a hierarchy of priests, warriors, and free peasants, but which excluded indigenous peoples by labelling their occupations impure, arose during this period. On the Deccan Plateau, archaeological evidence from this period suggests the existence of a chiefdom stage of political organisation. In southern India, a progression to sedentary life is indicated by the large number of megalithic monuments dating from this period, as well as by nearby traces of agriculture, irrigation tanks, and craft traditions.

Paintings at the Ajanta Caves in Aurangabad, Maharashtra, 6th century
In the late Vedic period, around the 5th century BCE, the small chiefdoms of the Ganges Plain and the north-western regions had consolidated into 16 major oligarchies and monarchies that were known as the mahajanapadas. The emerging urbanisation and the orthodoxies of this age also created heterodox religious movements, two of which became independent religions. Buddhism, based on the teachings of Gautama Buddha attracted followers from all social classes excepting the middle class; chronicling the life of the Buddha was central to the beginnings of recorded history in India. Jainism came into prominence during the life of its exemplar, Mahavira. In an age of increasing urban wealth, both religions held up renunciation as an ideal, and both established long-lasting monastic traditions. Politically, by the 3rd century BCE, the kingdom of Magadha had annexed or reduced other states to emerge as the Mauryan Empire. The empire was once thought to have controlled most of the subcontinent excepting the far south, but its core regions are now thought to have been separated by large autonomous areas. The Mauryan kings are known as much for their empire-building and determined management of public life as for Ashoka's renunciation of militarism and far-flung advocacy of the Buddhist dhamma.
The Sangam literature of the Tamil language reveals that, between 200 BCE and 200 CE, the southern peninsula was being ruled by the Cheras, the Cholas, and the Pandyas, dynasties that traded extensively with the Roman Empire and with West and South-East Asia. In North India, Hinduism asserted patriarchal control within the family, leading to increased subordination of women. By the 4th and 5th centuries, the Gupta Empire had created in the greater Ganges Plain a complex system of administration and taxation that became a model for later Indian kingdoms. Under the Guptas, a renewed Hinduism based on devotion rather than the management of ritual began to assert itself. The renewal was reflected in a flowering of sculpture and architecture, which found patrons among an urban elite. Classical Sanskrit literature flowered as well, and Indian science, astronomy, medicine, and mathematics made significant advances.
Medieval India

The granite tower of Brihadeeswarar Temple in Thanjavur was completed in 1010 CE by Raja Raja Chola I.
The Indian early medieval age, 600 CE to 1200 CE, is defined by regional kingdoms and cultural diversity. When Harsha of Kannauj, who ruled much of the Indo-Gangetic Plain from 606 to 647 CE, attempted to expand southwards, he was defeated by the Chalukya ruler of the Deccan. When his successor attempted to expand eastwards, he was defeated by the Pala king of Bengal. When the Chalukyas attempted to expand southwards, they were defeated by the Pallavas from farther south, who in turn were opposed by the Pandyas and the Cholas from still farther south. No ruler of this period was able to create an empire and consistently control lands much beyond his core region. During this time, pastoral peoples whose land had been cleared to make way for the growing agricultural economy were accommodated within caste society, as were new non-traditional ruling classes. The caste system consequently began to show regional differences.
In the 6th and 7th centuries, the first devotional hymns were created in the Tamil language. They were imitated all over India and led to both the resurgence of Hinduism and the development of all modern languages of the subcontinent. Indian royalty, big and small, and the temples they patronised, drew citizens in great numbers to the capital cities, which became economic hubs as well. Temple towns of various sizes began to appear everywhere as India underwent another urbanisation. By the 8th and 9th centuries, the effects were felt in South-East Asia, as South Indian culture and political systems were exported to lands that became part of modern-day Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam, Philippines, Malaysia, and Java. Indian merchants, scholars, and sometimes armies were involved in this transmission; South-East Asians took the initiative as well, with many sojourning in Indian seminaries and translating Buddhist and Hindu texts into their languages.
After the 10th century, Muslim Central Asian nomadic clans, using swift-horse cavalry and raising vast armies united by ethnicity and religion, repeatedly overran South Asia's north-western plains, leading eventually to the establishment of the Islamic Delhi Sultanate in 1206. The sultanate was to control much of North India, and to make many forays into South India. Although at first disruptive for the Indian elites, the sultanate largely left its vast non-Muslim subject population to its own laws and customs. By repeatedly repulsing Mongol raiders in the 13th century, the sultanate saved India from the devastation visited on West and Central Asia, setting the scene for centuries of migration of fleeing soldiers, learned men, mystics, traders, artists, and artisans from that region into the subcontinent, thereby creating a syncretic Indo-Islamic culture in the north. The sultanate's raiding and weakening of the regional kingdoms of South India paved the way for the indigenous Vijayanagara Empire. Embracing a strong Shaivite tradition and building upon the military technology of the sultanate, the empire came to control much of peninsular India, and was to influence South Indian society for long afterwards.
Early modern India

Writing the will and testament of the Mughal king court in Persian, 1590–1595
In the early 16th century, northern India, being then under mainly Muslim rulers, fell again to the superior mobility and firepower of a new generation of Central Asian warriors. The resulting Mughal Empire did not stamp out the local societies it came to rule, but rather balanced and pacified them through new administrative practices and diverse and inclusive ruling elites, leading to more systematic, centralised, and uniform rule. Eschewing tribal bonds and Islamic identity, especially under Akbar, the Mughals united their far-flung realms through loyalty, expressed through a Persianised culture, to an emperor who had near-divine status. The Mughal state's economic policies, deriving most revenues from agriculture and mandating that taxes be paid in the well-regulated silver currency, caused peasants and artisans to enter larger markets. The relative peace maintained by the empire during much of the 17th century was a factor in India's economic expansion, resulting in greater patronage of painting, literary forms, textiles, and architecture. Newly coherent social groups in northern and western India, such as the Marathas, the Rajputs, and the Sikhs, gained military and governing ambitions during Mughal rule, which, through collaboration or adversity, gave them both recognition and military experience. Expanding commerce during Mughal rule gave rise to new Indian commercial and political elites along the coasts of southern and eastern India. As the empire disintegrated, many among these elites were able to seek and control their own affairs.
By the early 18th century, with the lines between commercial and political dominance being increasingly blurred, a number of European trading companies, including the English East India Company, had established coastal outposts. The East India Company's control of the seas, greater resources, and more advanced military training and technology led it to increasingly flex its military muscle and caused it to become attractive to a portion of the Indian elite; both these factors were crucial in allowing the Company to gain control over the Bengal region by 1765 and sideline the other European companies. Its further access to the riches of Bengal and the subsequent increased strength and size of its army enabled it to annex or subdue most of India by the 1820s. India was then no longer exporting manufactured goods as it long had, but was instead supplying the British empire with raw materials, and many historians consider this to be the onset of India's colonial period. By this time, with its economic power severely curtailed by the British parliament and itself effectively made an arm of British administration, the Company began to more consciously enter non-economic arenas such as education, social reform, and culture.
Modern India

The British Indian Empire, from the 1909 edition of The Imperial Gazetteer of India. Areas directly governed by the British are shaded pink; the princely states under British suzerainty are in yellow.
Historians consider India's modern age to have begun sometime between 1848 and 1885. The appointment in 1848 of Lord Dalhousie as Governor General of the East India Company set the stage for changes essential to a modern state. These included the consolidation and demarcation of sovereignty, the surveillance of the population, and the education of citizens. Technological changes—among them, railways, canals, and the telegraph—were introduced not long after their introduction in Europe. However, disaffection with the Company also grew during this time, and set off the Indian Rebellion of 1857. Fed by diverse resentments and perceptions, including invasive British-style social reforms, harsh land taxes, and summary treatment of some rich landowners and princes, the rebellion rocked many regions of northern and central India and shook the foundations of Company rule. Although the rebellion was suppressed by 1858, it led to the dissolution of the East India Company and to the direct administration of India by the British government. Proclaiming a unitary state and a gradual but limited British-style parliamentary system, the new rulers also protected princes and landed gentry as a feudal safeguard against future unrest. In the decades following, public life gradually emerged all over India, leading eventually to the founding of the Indian National Congress in 1885.

Jawaharlal Nehru (left) became India's first prime minister in 1947. Mahatma Gandhi (right) led the independence movement.
The rush of technology and the commercialisation of agriculture in the second half of the 19th century was marked by economic setbacks—many small farmers became dependent on the whims of far-away markets. There was an increase in the number of large-scale famines, and, despite the risks of infrastructure development borne by Indian taxpayers, little industrial employment was generated for Indians. There were also salutary effects: commercial cropping, especially in the newly canalled Punjab, led to increased food production for internal consumption. The railway network provided critical famine relief notably reduced the cost of moving goods, and helped nascent Indian-owned industry. After World War I, in which some one million Indians served, a new period began. It was marked by British reforms but also repressive legislation, by more strident Indian calls for self-rule, and by the beginnings of a non-violent movement of non-cooperation, of which Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi would become the leader and enduring symbol. During the 1930s, slow legislative reform was enacted by the British; the Indian National Congress won victories in the resulting elections. The next decade was beset with crises: Indian participation in World War II, the Congress's final push for non-cooperation, and an upsurge of Muslim nationalism. All were capped by the advent of independence in 1947, but tempered by the partition of India into two states: India and Pakistan.
Vital to India's self-image as an independent nation was its constitution, completed in 1950, which put in place a secular and democratic republic. In the 60 years since, India has had a mixed record of successes and failures. It has remained a democracy with civil liberties, an activist Supreme Court, and a largely independent press. Economic liberalisation, which was begun in the 1990s, has created a large urban middle class, transformed India into one of the world's fastest-growing economies, and increased its geopolitical clout. Indian movies, music, and spiritual teachings play an increasing role in global culture. Yet, India has also been weighed down by seemingly unyielding poverty, both rural and urban; by religious and caste-related violence; by Maoist-inspired Naxalite insurgencies; and by separatism in Jammu and Kashmir and in Northeast India.[109] It has unresolved territorial disputes with China, and with Pakistan. The India–Pakistan nuclear rivalry came to a head in 1998. India's sustained democratic freedoms are unique among the world's new nations; however, in spite of its recent economic successes, freedom from want for its disadvantaged population remains a goal yet to be achieved .